Pablo Alonso González

This paper presents the results of a novel study of Vino de Tea (pine heartwood wine) from the island of La Palma (Canary Islands, Spain). The aim is to investigate its differential characteristics and contribute to typifying it within the Denomination of Origin 'Wines of La Palma'. The analysis is based on a mixed approach combining a qualitative ethnographic approach (22 interviews) and quantitative physic-chemical methods in a sample of 16 wines. The ethnographical study revealed the tradition and techniques of elaboration behind Vino de Tea. In turn, the physic-chemical analysis revealed by chromatography a significant presence of α-terpineol due to elaboration in pine barrels or casks. These samples were compared with a Greek Retsina wine, revealing the differences between these two traditional wines. These data suggest that Vino de Tea is a unique product with distinctive characteristics and potential health benefits, owing to its significant content of α-terpineol resulting from its fermentation in Canary pine casks.

This paper explores the underlying factors behind the collapse of commercial archaeology in Spain, with implications for other international contexts. It contributes to the current global debate about heritage ethics, adding nuance and conceptual depth to critical management studies and cultural heritage management in their approach to business ethics. Similar to other European contexts, Spanish archaeological management thrived during the 1990s and 2000s as a business model based on policies directed at safeguarding cultural heritage. The model had controversial ethical implications at academic, policy and business levels. However, the global financial crisis of 2008 had a huge impact on this sector, and more than 70% of the Spanish archaeological companies closed by 2017. Drawing on the concepts of abstract narratives, functional stupidity and corporatist neoliberalism, this paper illustrates the need to examine ethical issues from a pragmatic standpoint, beyond epistemological and moralistic critiques of profit-oriented businesses in the cultural realm. In doing so, it connects the fields of cultural heritage and management studies, opening up hitherto unexplored strands of research and debate.

Natural wine is a small but rapidly growing sector within the wine industry. Expertise in the field has been advanced by wine experts and professionals, while publications to aid in further understanding the topic lag behind. This manuscript highlights the need to develop more rigorous methodologies to better understand the market segment of natural wine, its consumers, and their composition and behaviour. Moreover, it calls for a deeper theoretical engagement with the notion of natural wine, which positions it among other sustainable and ecological certifications, including organic, biodynamic or sulphite-free. This would allow researchers to advance from the current state of knowledge, which continues to limit our 'practical' capacity for advice to policy makers but not to winemakers and marketers. These theoretical and methodological developments would allow scholars to catch up with debates being held by different social actors in the natural wine scene, including winemakers' and consumer associations, bloggers, writers and professional marketers.

This paper presents an interdisciplinary methodology for the study of recent transformations in the households of rural areas in Spain. Houses constitute a key repository of the biographies and cultural memory of the communities inhabiting these territories, since they work as outstanding elements in shaping personal, family and communal identities. Therefore, houses are useful elements for the archaeological study of the social and productive transformations affecting rural areas in Spain. Indeed, the built environment is one of the most illustrative elements in the articulation of these changes in the everyday life of rural communities, in which the materiality of the households plays a key role. To fulfil these aims, this paper builds on two case studies in the districts of Maragatería (León) and Somiedu (Asturias), in Northwest Spain. In exploring these cases, this paper contributes to the theoretical and methodological development of other comparable archaeological, ethnographic and heritage studies research being carried out in Spain and elsewhere. Este trabajo presenta una propuesta metodológica para el estudio interdisciplinar de las transformaciones recientes de la arquitectura doméstica en zonas rurales del estado español. Las casas constituyen un repositorio clave en las biografías y la memoria cultural de las comunidades que habitan estos territorios, funcionando como dispositivos destacados en la configuración de las identidades personales, familiares y comunitarias. Por ello, son un elemento adecuado para estudiar arqueológicamente las transformaciones sociales y productivas que atraviesan el medio rural del estado español. De hecho, el espacio construido es uno de los dispositivos más reconocibles en la articulación de estos procesos de cambio en la cotidianeidad de las comunidades rurales, donde la materialidad de los espacios domésticos juega un papel clave. La investigación aborda dos casos de estudio localizados en Maragatería (León) y Somiedu (Asturias), en el Noroeste ibérico. La reflexión teórica-metodológica sobre nuestros estudios arqueológicos, etnográficos y p atrimoniales e n m archa, j unto a la consideración de investigaciones semejantes desarrolladas recientemente en otras zonas rurales del estado español e internacionalmente, sirven de eje conductor a este trabajo. Palabras clave: Arqueología de los espacios domésticos; Patrimonio; Arqueología contemporánea; Modernización; Transformación de los paisajes rurales.

A significant portion of the agricultural food sector today is geared towards developing sustainable and organically based products, contributing to a widely acknowledged ‘quality turn’ in food markets (Goodman 2004). Organic viticulture is booming worldwide, having increased threefold between 2004 and 2015 (Willer and Lernoud 2016). Consumers are willing to pay a premium for wines deriving from organic vineyards in the belief that they are healthier, tastier, and of higher quality, although the differences between organic, biodynamic, or sulfite free wines remains confusing for many (Amato et al.2017). In exploring this paradigm shift, current research addresses the question of how organic wines can provide increased value given the lack of clarity about the full list of ingredient and qualities (Krzywoszynska 2015; Delmas et al.2016). This question is fundamental to understanding the process of assessing qualities and singularities in the commercialization of wine.

This study aims to identify the factors that constitute the social value of heritage in relation to sustainable tourism. To do so, this paper provides a theoretical contribution by unifying the fields of heritage management and sustainable tourism through a mixed-method approach. It showcases the social dimension of the World Heritage Site of Altamira, Spain, combining qualitative and quantitative techniques. Research findings provide information about the multiple factors determining the social value of heritage, namely: existential, aesthetic, economic, and legacy values and the risks associated with underestimating the contemporary social value. Ultimately, this research paves the way for improving normative approaches toward sustainable tourism and, offers practical solutions to the challenges faced by the Altamira and other World Heritage Sites.

This Directions piece presents the project ParticiPat: Patrimonio y participación social: propuesta metodológica y revisión crítica (ParticiPat: Heritage and Social Participation: Methodological Proposal and Critical Review). ParticiPat is a multidisciplinary and mul-tisituated research project involving fourteen researchers from different disciplines and institutions that aims to analyze critically the ubiquitous buzzwords and practices of participation—as well as its key institutions and actors—affecting heritage management in Spain, Portugal, or Mexico. This article advances preliminary results derived from the authors' case study of a natural park and biosphere reserve in Spain. In doing so, it contributes to the anthropological examination of what has recently been described by different authors as the emergence of a new form of governance based on discourses and practices of participation. [ethnography, anthropology of policy, natural and cultural heritage, participation] This Directions piece presents the project ParticiPat: Patrimonio y participación social: propuesta metodológica y revisión crítica (ParticiPat: Heritage and Social Participation: Methodological Proposal and Critical Review), 1 and advances preliminary results derived from our particular case study of a natural park and its biosphere reserve in Spain. ParticiPat is a multidisciplinary and multisituated research project involving fourteen researchers from different disciplines and institutions studying heritage management in Spain, Portugal, or Mexico. The project aims to analyze critically how ubiquitous buzzwords and practices of participation, as well as its key institutions and actors, affect heritage management. In doing so, it contributes to the anthropological examination of what Kelty (2017) has recently described as the " grammar of participation " that results in creating " too much democracy in all the wrong places " while constantly shifting " from a language of normative enthusiasm to one of critiques of co-optation and bureaucratization " (S77). Official discourses usually portray participation as a number of sociopolitical practices that allow citizens to influence, monitor, or engage in decision making on public affairs (Parés 2009). If understood as a cultural form, however, participation can also be seen as a state attempt to engender legal regulation, normalize citizenship, and diffuse power and governance throughout extended networks (Shore and Wright 1997). We aim to explore how this emerging governmentality technique affects the field of heritage and how, in turn, this shift reorganizes the bureaucratic and political spectrum as a whole. Following critical heritage scholarship, we understand heritage as a machine or regime of domination intrinsically linked to capitalist and state efforts to control the past and create prospects

2016 fue un año crítico en la política mundial. Los cambios que se precipitaron ese año, tendrán un largo impacto en la arqueología, antropología y disciplinas relacionadas. En este texto reflexionamos sobre lo que supone la emergencia del populismo reaccionario y cómo afecta a la práctica y teoría de la arqueología. Nos centramos en tres críticas y tres propuestas: Por el lado de la crítica, hemos aprendido que el liberalismo no es suficiente para enfrentar este fenómeno político, que los profesionales de la arqueología tenemos una posición muy modesta en los grandes debates socio-políticos; y que hay más colectivos marginalizados que aquellos que suelen ser el objeto de atención preferente de la arqueología pública dominante. Por el lado de las propuestas, planteamos la necesidad de provocar al Pueblo, en vez de adularlo, de recuperar una pedagogía crítica y transformativa que enseñe sobre la arqueología y utilice la arqueología para ofrecer un aprendizaje, y de evitar la "cruzada patrimonial". La consecuencia genérica que podemos extraer es que debemos repolitizar de nuevo la arqueología para convertirla en una voz realmente crítica en el escenario global. Palabras claves: arqueología social, patrimonio cultural, populismo, neoliberalismo, multiculturalismo. 2016 was a critical year in global politics. Changes were so dramatic, that they will have a long-lasting impact in archaeology, anthropology and related fields. In this article, we reflect critically on the phenomenon of reactionary populism and how it affects the practice and theory of archaeology. We will focus here in three main critics and three proposals. We have learnt that mere and more liberalism is not enough to face this political phenomenon, that archaeologists hold a very weak position in the main socio-political debates, and that there are other marginalized collectives out there beyond those who represent the primary focus of current public archaeology. Based on these critics, we set out three things we can do: we propose an archaeology that provokes People, instead of flattering them, an archaeology understood as a critical and transformative pedagogy that teaches about archaeology, but also uses archaeology to teach, and an archaeology that escapes the "heritage crusade". To conclude, we have to make archaeology political again to reconstruct it as a public engaged practice, for making it a truly critical voice in the global stage. 1 Este artículo es una traducción de la versión original publicada en inglés "Against reactionary populism: towards a new public archaeology" en la revista Antiquity 2018, 92 (362):507-515. Si bien Chungara no publica traducciones de artículos, el Comité Editorial decidió hacer la excepción y publicar esta versión en la modalidad de Debate. Finalmente agradecemos a los comentaristas que aceptaron esta invitación, y a los editores de Antiquity que permitieron su publicación en español. Páginas 1-7 Chungara Revista de Antropología Chilena De Brasil al Reino Unido, 2016 fue un año crítico en la política mundial. Las cosas no volverán a ser como eran. El patrimonio, la ética y el modo cómo las arqueólogas se relacionan con el público, fueron y serán profundamente afectados. Ha llegado, pues, la hora de reflexionar críticamente sobre el fenómeno del "populismo reaccionario" y cómo éste afecta la teoría y práctica de la arqueología. El "populismo reaccionario" se puede definir como una forma política que es anti-liberal en términos de su política de la identidad (en lo que se refiere, por ejemplo, al multiculturalismo, el derecho de aborto, derechos de las minorías o libertad religiosa), pero es liberal en su política económica. Se caracteriza por su nacionalismo, racismo y anti-intelectualismo. Como Judith Butler afirma, "quiere restaurar un estado prístino de la sociedad, orientado por la nostalgia y por una sensación de pérdida de privilegio" (Soloveitchik 2016). En este contexto, el modelo liberal y multi-vocal de las ciencias sociales y las humanidades ha dejado de ser válido. En cambio, apelamos a nuestros colegas a apoyar una arqueología lista para intervenir en debates públicos más amplios, que no se limite a los temas del patrimonio y de la relevancia local, que no tenga miedo de defender su conocimiento experto en los escenarios

This commentary argues for strengthening the dialogue between the social and natural  sciences as part of a more comprehensive sustainable approach to ecological farming practices that go beyond a focus on specific labels and certifications. It nuances the approach provided by Home et al. in their study of Swiss farms converting to organic agriculture, in emphasizing the need to deepen the study of such farming practices by including a broad vision of global value chains and a pragmatic approach to innovation and the different stakeholders involved. Ultimately, it calls for a more complex approach to eco-agriculture in its widest sense, that goes beyond dichotomies about conversion, certification and labeling. This would provide alternatives for researchers and other actors to move forward in theory and practice.

Exploramos, en el presente artículo, el surgimiento y debate actual en torno al movimiento terroirista en España desde la perspectiva de los movimientos sociales y rurales. La transformación de la escena vitivinícola española se ha convertido en un fenómeno objeto de estudio desde el ámbito académico, político y social: España cuenta con la mayor superficie de viñedos del mundo, el mayor volumen de exportación y el precio medio de venta de litro de vino más barato. Además, carece de políticas de zonificación, lo que hace que España sea única entre los países tradicionalmente productores de vino-como Francia, Italia o Portugal. Sin embargo, un grupo de productores desafía el modelo vitícola industrial en España, afianzando redes en áreas rurales de todo el país y participando en acciones nacionales e internacionales con el objetivo de producir vinos de calidad y elevados precios, recuperando regiones tradicionalmente productivas, variedades de uva autóctonas y restableciendo la cultura del vino en España. Si bien el movimiento muestra tendencias elitistas, es radical en su desafío a grandes empresas, industrias y cooperativas: un poderoso lobby que influye en el actual sistema de gobernanza del sector basado en el sistema de Denominaciones de Origen. Abstract This article explores the emergence and current debate around the terroirist movement in Spain and the social movements behind it in rural areas. The transformation of the Spanish wine scene has become an object of study in * La publicación de este trabajo ha sido decidida en forma excepcional por el Comité Editorial de RIVAR. Se trata de la versión en español del texto publicado originalmente en inglés, en Journal of Rural Studies. Se ha resuelto publicarlo por considerarse un tema de interés especial para la línea editorial de RIVAR.

Es necesaria una aclaración inicial: el objeto de presentar esta versión en español de nuestro texto en Antiquity-pensada como una crítica esencialmente a la academia anglosajona-responde a dos objetivos: en primer lugar, debatir cuestiones que son de interés común con colegas latinoamericanos a quienes admiramos y que han realizado desde hace años una reflexión profunda sobre los temas que tratamos en nuestro artículo. Esta lógica situacional de nuestro texto, por responder a un reproche que Haber nos demanda, fue bien percibida por Tantaleán. En segundo lugar, el regreso del populismo reaccionario no es exclusivo del norte global. El final del ciclo progresista en América Latina y el auge de la extrema derecha (con Bolsonaro a la cabeza) indican que la crisis es compartida y la reflexión debe ser, también, compartida. Una segunda aclaración, también necesaria, es que hablamos de ultraderecha. Efectivamente, como indica Acuto, Bolsonaro y Trump son la derecha nacionalista y la oligarquía de siempre, pero el lenguaje y los modos que utilizan son los del populismo chovinista-también el fascismo del siglo XX fue populista y oligárquico al mismo tiempo. Por eso utilizamos siempre el adjetivo "reaccionario". El ministro de finanzas de Bolsonaro es un neoliberal de escuela canónica. Pero su capacidad se multiplica en un juego político que no es el habitual de las élites conservadoras de siempre, sino que ha roto el espacio de la representación política moderna, construido a través del consenso liberal después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial (aquí señalar, por cierto, que el concepto que utilizamos de "liberalismo" es el mismo al que se refiere Gándara, y que, a pesar de la acepción inglesa tan cara en USA, no tiene nada que ver con la izquierda del espectro político), mediante la apelación directa al pueblo y su soberanía. A pesar de lo que dice Acuto, que pareciera querer salvar el populismo como opción posible para la resistencia, vemos necesario reconocer el fondo populista de estas estrategias. Esta colusión entre neoliberalismo y populismo reaccionario es algo más que anecdótico y nuestra sensación es que tenemos que parar mientes en ella, etnografiarla, analizarla en y a través de su expresión material, si es que queremos entender lo que nos ocurre. Y lo que nos ocurre es muy parecido en muchos países distintos. No es un privilegio del Norte o del Sur estar mejor, o peor, en esto. Las mismas tendencias se perciben en todas partes, desde Hungría a USA, desde Italia a Brasil, desde el Reino Unido a la India, o desde España a Argentina. Lo que nos ocurre es una muestra del agotamiento de las soluciones liberales clásicas, a través de las cuales se impuso un modelo de modernidad individualista y el "siglo norteamericano", que es el siglo anglo-sajón. Y es también muestra de que la respuesta a este proyecto político desde la corrección política, las identity policies, y lo que Nancy Fraser resume en la estupenda etiqueta "neoliberalismo progresista", no solo está agotada sino que ha arrojado a todos los que sienten perdedores de esta parte de la historia, a votar masivamente opciones reaccionarias, que les perjudicarán. A Funari y Alarcón les parecen peligrosas nuestras críticas al cosmopolitismo y la tolerancia, e insisten en la importancia del conflicto en las relaciones humanas. No rechazamos esa visión; lo que criticamos es la visión liberal, neoliberal, de todo ello porque mistifica las relaciones de poder realmente existentes. Esto es algo que también compartimos con Alejandro Haber, cuando apura la idea de que las comunidades son complejas y están atravesadas por antagonismos, pero no participamos en cambio de la disyuntiva que plantea: o la intervención se ciñe a los intereses comunitarios o se hace ciencia colonial. En primer lugar, creemos que es posible realizar arqueología en consonancia con el interés comunitario y al mismo tiempo que no esté circunscrita a la comunidad, es decir, que aborde problemas más amplios. Nada más lejos de nuestra intención que descartar a las comunidades, como interpretan Haber y Funari y Alarcón. Nuestro texto no aboga por reducir o desplazar el marco de acción política, sino por ampliarlo. Abogamos por una arqueología "que no se limite a los temas del patrimonio y de la relevancia local", no que deje de lado el patrimonio y lo local, como también pide Londoño. También abogamos por ampliar el espectro de la comunidad. Y nos preguntamos por qué nuestros colegas latinoamericanos no han dicho nada de los votantes de Bolsonaro o Macri, de los 20 millones de habitantes del Gran Buenos Aires o las periferias de Belo Horizonte o Bogotá. Crear grandes narrativas críticas es parte del programa de arqueología pública que propugnamos. Haber ve en ellas mecanismos productores de colonialidad. Por esta regla de tres, las propuestas de los grandes teóricos de la decolonialidad-Quijano, Dussel, Grosfoguel-serían paradójicamente herramientas coloniales, dado que no se circunscriben a ninguna comunidad concreta y proponen grandes narrativas filosóficas, de aspiración universalista y explicativa ¿Es el pensamiento decolonial colonial?

En el mundo clásico y medieval, tanto mediterráneo como germánico, el paisaje se refería a las relaciones inmanentes entre grupos humanos, sus territorios y las formas de estructurar estas relaciones. Con la ruptura que supone la modernidad y el pensamiento abstracto renacentista y científico, surge la dualidad del paisaje; por un lado como realidad, por otro como la representación que de esa misma realidad se hace un sujeto ajeno a ella. Pretendemos conectar esta genealogía del paisaje con la práctica arqueológica contemporánea, reclamando una noción de paisaje relacional, que nos permita realizar intervenciones más allá de la arqueología, pero desde ella, es decir, intervenciones indisciplinadas. Reflexionamos sobre el trabajo del grupo de investigación en Arqueología Agraria en Asturias (España), un ámbito dominado cada vez más por la práctica disciplinar no reflexiva y una escasa preocupación por la percepción social de la arqueología y su potencial político. En este contexto, reclamamos una arqueología social que se apropie del concepto de paisaje. Pero esto no implica abandonar las prácticas arqueológicas disciplinares, ya que éstas, a su vez, están amenazadas por la liberalización de la academia y el ocaso de la arqueo-logía de contrato. LABURPENA Mundu klasikoan eta Erdi Arokoan, Mediterraneokoan zein germanikoan, paisaia giza taldeen, lurraldeen eta harreman horiek egituratze-ko moduen arteko lotura immanenteei lotuta zegoen. Modernitateak eta pentsamendu abstraktu errenazentistak eta zientifikoak eragindako hausturaren ondorioz, paisaiaren dualtasuna sortzen da; alde batetik, errealitate gisa eta bestetik errealitate hori oinarritzat hartuta, bertatik kanpo dagoen subjektuaren adierazpen gisa. Gure helburua da paisaiaren genealogia hori lan arkeologiko garaikidearekin lotzea, harremanen paisaiaren nozioa aldarrikatuta. Horri esker, arkeologiaz harago joanda, baina aldi berean bertatik abiatuta, esku-hartzeak egin ahal izango ditugu; hau da, diziplinarik gabeak. Asturiaseko (Espainia) Nekazaritzako arkeologiako taldeko lanaren inguruko gogoeta egin dugu. Esparru horretan gero eta gehiago dira nagusi gogoetarakoa ez den diziplinako jardunbidea eta arkeologiaren eta haren potentzial politikoaren iritzi sozialarekiko kezka txikia. Testuinguru horren baitan, paisaiaren kontzeptua bere egingo duen arkeologia soziala eskatu nahi dugu. Horrek, ordea, ez du esan nahi diziplina mailako jarduera arkeologikoak albo batera utzi behar ditugunik; izan ere, horiek, aldi berean, akademiaren liberalizazioaren eta kontratuko arkeologiaren gainbeheraren arriskua bizi dute. ABSTRACT In the classic and medieval European times, both Mediterranean and Germanic, landscape referred to the immanent relationships between and among human groups, their territories and the ways of structuring these relationships. With the break entailed by modernity and the abstract and scientific thought harboured by the Renaissance, the landscape concept is split into two. On one side, it is conceived as 'reality' as such, on the other, as the representation of that same reality estranged from subjective experience. This paper connects a genealogy of the landscape concept with contemporary archaeological practice. It reclaims a relational notion of landscape, one which allows us to go beyond archaeology but starting from archaeology: that is, undisciplinary interventions in the sociopolitical sphere. To do so, we reflect on our research group Agrarian Archaeology in the area of Asturias (Spain), a context dominated by nonreflexive disciplinary practice and little interest on the social perception of archaeology and its political potential. By claiming a social archaeology that reclaims the concept of landscape, we do not argue for an abandonment of disciplinary archaeological practices, as these are, in turn, threatened by the liberalization of academia and the decline of contract archaeology.

Santa Catalina is a Caribbean island in the Colombian archipelago of Providencia y San Andrés, which has been at the centre of a recent territorial dispute between Colombia and Nicaragua that has made the islands central to the geostrategic agenda of the Colombian state in its attempt to reaffirm political alliances with the United States. Within this context, our investigation explores recent processes of archaeological research, heritagisation and tourism promotion on Santa Catalina Island that triggered a conflict between the local raizal population (Afro-descendant, Caribbean, Puritan and English-speaking) and the State (white, Andean, Catholic and Spanish-speaking) around the meaning of two key sites of memory—Fuerte Libertad (Fort Warwick) and the Cabeza de Morgan (Morgan's Head). Drawing on long-term ethnography, this paper reveals how the neoliberal, multicultural state of Colombia has functioned as an investment facilitator and a key actor in transforming ethnic-racial differences into class inequalities.

Este artículo analiza los efectos del colonialismo sobre las maneras en que las poblaciones subalternizadas plantean relaciones de alteridad con sus ancestros y con los vestigios arqueológicos de sus entornos. Desde una perspectiva que cuestiona la interpretación dicotómica y estructural dominante, que concebía estas lógicas de alteridad como producto de dinámicas comunitarias intrínsecas, este estudio visibiliza el rol central de las relaciones de poder históricamente específicas en su articulación. Para ello se comparan los casos del noroeste de la península ibérica, el altiplano boliviano y la región atacameña chilena, donde existen creencias animistas en mouros, chullpas, gentiles o abuelos, siempre asociados a vestigios arqueológicos, cuya existencia deriva de lógicas similares. Partiendo del proceso de despaganización en Europa y la extirpación de idolatrías en América, con la ruptura de la relación con los ancestros que implicaron, este artículo muestra cómo la modernidad ilustrada, el nacionalismo y el multiculturalismo contemporáneo han incidido en distintas configuraciones identitarias y nociones de ancestralidad en cada caso. La arqueología ha tenido un rol destacado en estos procesos, al subalternizar las construcciones locales de alteridad e intervenir en su patrimonialización. Abstract This paper analyzes the impact of colonialism on the ways in which subaltern populations establish relations of sameness and otherness with their ancestors and with archaeological vestiges in their surroundings. From a perspective that questions the dominant dichotomous and structural interpretation that conceived the logic of otherness as a product of intrinsic community dynamics, this study reveals the central role of historically specific power relations in the articulation of identity configurations. This is revealed in the comparative analysis of the northwest region of the Iberian Peninsula, the Bolivian highlands, and the Chilean Atacama region. The populations of the three regions present animistic beliefs in mouros, chullpas, gentiles and abuelos, which they associate with archaeological remains under a common logic. Starting with the Christian struggle against paganism in Europe and the extirpation of idolatry in America, this article demonstrates how enlightened modernity, nationalism and contemporary multiculturalism have led to different configurations of patterns of identity and alterity, as well as alternative notions of ancestry in each case. Archaeology has played a prominent role in these processes, subordinating local conceptions of otherness and partaking in their heritagisation.

Este artículo aborda los impactos sectoriales y las consecuencias territoriales de las nuevas regulaciones de la Unión Europea sobre etiquetado de bebidas alcohólicas en las regiones vitivinícolas. La Comisión Europea hizo público en marzo de 2017 un informe que exige el etiquetado de ingredientes e información nutricional obligatoria para las bebidas alcohólicas, poniendo fin a la excepcionalidad de este sector en comparación con otros alimentos y bebidas en repuesta a la demanda de asociaciones de consumidores. Sin embargo, la presión de la industria del alcohol ha conseguido retrasar la aprobación de esta normativa, logrando además la posibilidad de que la industria se organice para hacer su propia propuesta de etiquetado en el período de un año. El objetivo de este artículo es examinar la polémica suscitada, analizando las consecuencias del etiquetado para el sector del vino y las regiones vinícolas. La inexistencia de un etiquetado de ingredientes perjudica principalmente a productores orientados a elaborar vinos de calidad, que carecen de instrumentos institucionales para diferenciar dichas prácticas productivas en el ámbito del consumo. El actual sistema de certificación genera asimetrías de información y problemas de selección adversa en el mercado, provocando la disminución general de la demanda y, posteriormente, la merma de la calidad del vino. Analizamos finalmente la necesidad de armonizar políticas sectoriales, territoriales, medioambientales y de protección del consumidor para la sostenibilidad del sector vitivinícola

L'article analitza les estratègies d'implementació de la governança participativa del patrimoni i el turisme en el medi rural del Principat d'Astúries. A través del treball de camp etnogràfic es posa de manifest que les pràctiques participatives no només legitimen la recepció i redistribució de fons europeus per part de les institucions de l'Estat espanyol, sinó que adopten configuracions allunyades de les seves lògiques inicials i consoliden les relacions de poder preexistents entre els diversos actors locals.

We therefore call for an analytical framework that takes account of its multiple instantiations: in Spain, at least, participation is a novel governance strategy that reproduces preexisting power relations while channeling new economic investment under a technocratic management. In spite of its decentralizing rhetoric, “actually existing” participatory processes actually tend to have recentralizing effects. Far from being paradoxical, this shows that neoliberal governance is not opposed to democratic
articipation and rhetoric (Rose 1996). Rather, participation is one more manifestation of a perverse confluence between the destructuration of the public sector and the requirement for citizens to become autonomous and self-responsible subjects. Certainly, as a concept or ideal type, participation may appear as a floating signifier susceptible of receiving any meaning. However, the discursive contradictions inherent in it fade when examining its material and power effects. Instead of creating “too much democracy in all the wrong places,” participation conceals and legitimizes the growing lack of democracy under neoliberalism.

This paper explores the emergence of the terroirist social movement in Spain and the controversies arising from it. We assess its role in transforming the Spanish wine scene and wine regions from the combined perspective of rural and social movement studies. Spain boasts the largest surface area of vineyards and the largest volume of wine exports of any country, yet it also sells the cheapest wine and lacks wine zoning policies, which makes Spain unique among traditional wine-producing countries. Considering this situation, a group of terroir-driven winemakers are challenging the Spanish industrial wine establishment. They have built networks in rural areas throughout the country and are actively involved in local grassroots movements, aiming to produce quality wines with added value, recover neglected wine regions and grape varieties, and reinstate traditional wine culture. While the movement displays certain elite and populist tendencies, it remains radical in its attempt to challenge a deep-seated economic model dominated by large companies with a powerful lobby that influences the government.

The Rainbow is a global community that emerged with the hippie movement in the 1960s. Although it originated and largely developed in the USA, it soon expanded to Europe. Due to the political context in Spain, the Rainbow was weak there until the reestablishment of democracy in 1975, when it was spurred by the creation of various communes throughout the country. This paper explores the issue of heritage in one of the earliest and most iconic Rainbow villages in Spain, Matavenero, asking whether notions of heritage emerge in Rainbow contexts. In doing so, it contributes to critical geography of heritage and intentional communities by inquiring into the narratives about the past developed by the community and their use of space and material culture in ways that reproduce forms of segmentarity. Drawing on ethno-graphic methods and long-term ethnography, the paper demonstrates the absence of the notion of heritage as generally understood in Western capitalist culture and develops the concept of ''a-patrimonial'' processes to explain this phenomenon.

Authors´ response to comments by Reinhard Bernbeck & Susan Pollock, Yannis Hamilakis, Laurajane Smith & Gary Campbell, and Larry Z. Zimmerman on the paper “Against reactionary populism: Towards a new public archaeology”, published in Antiquity, Vol: 92, Issue: 362, April 2018, pp. 507–515 (paper) & 525–27 (response). Doi response: https://doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2018.26

Abstract of the main paper: From Brazil to the United Kingdom, 2016 was a critical year in global politics. The panorama changed so dramatically and so fast, that it will surely have a long-lasting impact in archaeology, anthropology and related fields. Heritage, ethics and the way we relate to the public will all be affected in one way or another. In this article we reflect critically on the phenomenon of reactionary populism and how it affects the practice and theory of archaeology. There are three main lessons that can be drawn from the advance of reactionary populism across the world. First, we have learnt that mere and more liberalism is not enough to face this political phenomenon. Second, archaeologists are perhaps not as fearsome agents of Empire as we thought. And third, there were other marginalized collectives out there who were not self-assertive indigenous communities, liberal African-Americans, class-conscious industrial workers or homeless interested in documenting their lives. Based on such lessons, three things we can do: we need an archaeology that provokes the People, instead of flattering them; we need an archaeology that teaches, we need a critical and transformative pedagogy that teaches about archaeology but also uses archaeology to teach; and we do not need to go against heritage; rather, we need an archaeology that escapes the 'heritage crusade'. To conclude, we have to make archaeology political again. We must stop flirting with progressive neoliberalism and go beyond those issues of identity, ethics and narrative that have occupied the political imagination of archaeology for three decades. We need to go back to the hard core of politics—radical dissent, conflict, inequality—and reconstruct archaeology as a public engaged practice to make it a truly critical voice in the global stage.

From Brazil to the United Kingdom, 2016 was a critical year in global politics. Heritage, ethics and the way that archaeologists relate to the public were and will all be affected, and it is time to reflect critically on the phenomenon of ‘reactionary populism’ and how it affects the practice and theory of archaeology. ‘Reactionary populism’ can be defined as a political form that is anti-liberal in terms of identity politics (e.g. multiculturalism, abortion rights, minority rights, religious freedom), but liberal in economic policies. It is characterised by nationalism, racism and anti-intellectualism, and as Judith Butler states in a recent interview, it wants “to restore an earlier state of society, driven by nostalgia or a perceived loss of privilege” (Soloveitchik 2016). Our intention here is to argue that the liberal, multi-vocal model of the social sciences and the humanities is no longer a viable option. Instead, we ask our colleagues to embrace an archaeology that is ready to intervene in wider public debates not limited to issues of heritage or of local relevance, is not afraid of defending its expert knowledge in the public arena, and is committed to reflective, critical teaching.

This opinion article addresses the implications of recent EU regulations on alcoholic drinks labeling for regional development. In March 2017, the European Commission released a report requiring the mandatory labeling of ingredients and nutritional information for alcoholic beverages within 1 year, putting an end to the exceptionality of this sector compared to other foodstuffs, and responding to pressing demands by European consumer associations and other actors. Pressure from the alcohol sector had delayed EU legislation on the matter and managed to avoid a mandatory labeling provision, instead generating the possibility of making its own regulation proposal within a year. The Commission will assess this proposal in March 2018 and could review or reject it if found to be unsatisfactory. Here, we want to examine the controversy elicited by this new regulation, analyzing the consequences of labeling (or not) in the particular case of wine regions. It shows how the lack of labeling regulations harms winemakers oriented towards the production of quality wines and generates important information asymmetries that can lead to an overall decrease of wine quality. Ultimately, it highlights the relevance of a regional perspective on EU sectoral policies, as these can have unintended effects and lead to contradictory outcomes. The example of wine regions is used to emphasize this issue by showing the need to harmonize regional cohesion and CAP policies with industrial, environmental and consumer protection policies.

This paper is the first report of a large research project for the preventive conservation and tourism management of the Altamira World Heritage site that was conducted from 2012 to 2014 and focused on a key feature of the project estimating the potential economic impacts of reopening the Altamira cave to the public. The study analyzed the direct and indirect economic impacts of visitors to Altamira on the regional economy of Cantabria, a Spanish Autonomous Community. Using an input-output method (IO), we estimated the values accrued to the region. This study provides the scientific foundation for the development of an effective tourism management program for the Altamira Complex, analyzing the impact of its access regime and offering policy recommendations on the broader regional economic impact of Altamira.

This textual and visual piece exceeds the traditional paper form to explore popular winemaking and drinking cultures in Galicia and Alentejo. It does not illustrate our fieldwork, but evocates alternative geographies of production and consumption that coexist with the standard commercial and legal wine market. In our quotidian learning by doing and living, we understand symmetrically the cultures we are part of, and by extension our practice of cultural geography. Through a combination of documentary and ethnographic approaches, we reveal geographies of practice that enact diverse forms of being together at the verge of disappearance. Symmetry eventually emerged, but only as the practice of research, not as a discursive rhetoric nor as an alternative form of representation. Symmetry in practice This visual piece exceeds the traditional paper form to explore the popular wine cultures of Galicia and Alentejo. It does not illustrate our fieldwork, but evocates uncanny geographies of production and consumption, mostly invisible for the societies that coexist with them. In our quotidian learning by doing and living, we understand symmetrically the cultures we are part of, and by extension our practice of cultural geography. 1 Decades of debate about culture in anthropology, sociology, and geography have questioned the possibility of narrating and representing cultures, of giving voice to the subaltern and speaking for them. 2 But debates have mostly ignored a compelling

Our review explores the role of quality conventions that have emerged since the 'quality turn' in the food sector. By examining how the 'quality turn' contributes to transforming the wine sector, it asks whether the labeling systems seek to certify the quality of productive practices (informative function) or are intended to create imaginaries of quality as a differentiated business market strategy (symbolic function). After discussing relevant literature in geography and related fields, this review uses two emblematic examples from the wine sector to argue for the need to move beyond the marketing of quality to deepen the analysis and understanding of quality. This analytic insight questions the viability and usefulness of quality conventions aimed at differentiation, territorial development, with a focus on markets with high added value, and argues for the need to open new lines of research and policy in this sphere.

This paper provides a constructive critique of Corrine Cash's paper " Good governance and strong political will: Are they enough for transformation? " , published in volume 58 of Land Use Policy in 2016. By focusing on how intra-sector dynamics influence land use policies in conflicts revolving around urban sprawl, this paper aims to complement and, to some extent, widen the analytic lens deployed by Cash. The examination of the Spanish wine sector and its lack of zoning policies confirms Cash's argument about the need to go beyond discourses of 'good governance' and 'strong political will' to understand the dynamics underpinning real spatial processes. However, this exploration underscores the need to add layers of complexity to land use analyses, showing the relevance of intra-sector conflict and logics. In complicating any simplistic reduction of urban sprawl conflicts to rural–urban oppositions, the paper ultimately calls for a more dynamic and multiscalar planning theory to address complex governance issues.

Abstract. Our paper presents the case study of a common framework that has been developed for the management of heritage resources in a peripheral and impoverished area of rural Asturias (Spain). The article further explores the potential of conceiving heritage as a common good for enhancement, preservation and public outreach purposes, considering the current crisis state of public institutions in the whole West due to the prevalence of neoliberal governmentality frameworks. Our research argues that the creation of a brand that equates the region of Asturias with a somehow pristine natural environment untouched by humans, and the public management frameworks of cultural heritage, undermine the immanent relation between communities and their heritage and renders ineffectively any attempt to achieve rural  sustainable development. We affirm that the consideration of heritage as a commons enables researchers, institutions and local communities to establish a more democratic and functional framework for the management, enhancement and preservation of heritage elements and facilitates the creation of democratic frameworks of decision making that foster sustainable development at a local scale.

K e y w o r d s:  heritage commons, rural sustainable development, cultural heritage, cultural resource management

Archaeological surveys and excavations carried out in two areas of the municipality of Cañamero (Cáceres, Spain) have revealed the presence of significant Middle Palaeolithic stone tool assemblages. This paper contextualizes the site at a regional scale and presents its chronological evolution over time, accounting for the different post-depositional processes. To do so, different techniques and methodologies have been implemented, including archaeology, geomorphology, and GIS analysis. The aim is to understand the genesis and evolution of these kinds of Middle Palaeolithic settlements and to characterize them in contemporary soils.

This paper explores the built environment in two rural areas of Northwest Spain that were historically inhabited by two of the so-called “cursed peoples.” Combining contemporary archaeology and material culture studies, we analyze the role played by the house in processes of socio-economic and cultural change, and in the reproduction of internal hegemony within villages. To do so, we study the tensions and connections existing between the transformations undergone by the built environment during the last century and different socio-economic processes, including the depopulation of the rural areas, their conversion into tourist attractions, and the current process of individualisation of subjectivity in line with the transformations taking place in the postmodern era.

In Spain, the birth of interest in the nation's industrial heritage dates from the 1980s and occurred alongside the process of deindustrialization. Policies concerning derelict industrial sites have shifted gradually from destruction to preservation, rehabilitation, and enhancement, and industrial heritage enhancement projects are now widespread in the country. However, a clear mismatching has arisen between institutional and academic initiatives and local communities, which exhibit widespread disinterest in or even rejection of industrial remains. This problematic situation can be related to the utilization of industrial heritage as an economic resource without paying much attention to its connections with memory and identity. Also, the mismatching is due to a positivist approach to industrial heritage whereby the monument and the museum are prioritized. We argue that projects which consider industrial remains as part of cultural landscapes might shorten the gap between the institutional and economic side of industrial heritage and its identity-building and popular facets.

Índice

Presentación: El Buen Vivir como paradigma societal alternativo, por Fernando García Quero y Jorge Guardiola (Universidad de Granada y Economistas sin Fronteras)

Alternativas al desarrollo y Buen Vivir, por Eduardo Gudynas (Centro Latino Americano de Ecología Social)

Aportes para una genealogía glocal del Buen Vivir, por Adrián E. Beling (FLACSO-Argentina) y Julien Vanhulst (Universidad Católica del Maule)

La compleja construcción histórica del Buen Vivir en Bolivia: de resistencias indígenas a política del Estado, por Eija Maria Ranta (Universidad de Helsinki)

Desarrollo humano, ética y cosmovisión andina, por Ana Estefanía Carballo (Universidad de Melbourne)

El Buen Vivir y la Economía Social y Solidaria, Patricio Carpio (Universidad de Cuenca-Ecuador y Fundación OFIS-Ecuador)

La sostenibilidad de la vida como eje para convergencias teóricas y políticas, por Silvia Vega (Universidad Central del Ecuador)

El libro recomendado: El Buen Vivir, de Alberto Acosta, por Alfredo Macías (Universidad de León) y Pablo Alonso (Universidad de Cambridge)

This chapter illustrates the importance of incorporating local perceptions of heritage.It addresses governance structures of heritage and the political economies that give rise to them. It stems from a growing dissatisfaction with the ever more dysfunctional and socially and economically unfair character that heritage management has adopted in Spain since the start of a devastating economic crisis in 2008. The aim of our exploratory inquiry is to prompt a necessary debate about new forms of heritage governance in Spain that could have broader implications elsewhere in heritage management.
To do so, we first situate recent conceptualizations of heritage in the current postindustrial economic context. We draw inspiration from the theory of cognitivecapitalism . This theory argues that the modern economy has superseded the classicaldifferentiation between economic wealth derived from labor processes on oneside and physical capital on the other. Instead, cognitive capitalism holds that most wealth created in contemporary economy derives from information technology and knowledge, which are the products of human imagination and networks of interaction among people and objects. Such “immaterial wealth” is inherently difficult to value quantitatively or to restrict for proprietary use, as is the case with cultural heritage. As a result, wealth created is realized through mechanisms such as patents or other means to protect intellectual property, with the beneficiaries of that wealth determined by prevailing systems of political economy. We argue that cultural heritage is subordinated to these processes of valorization in the contemporary economy, and that the political economy of heritage increasingly follows the logic of property rights such as patents and copyrights. To counter this tendency, we consider it necessary to develop alternative strategies of heritage management, such as the one we present here: the Ecomuseum of Santo Adriano in Spain.